近代動詞附屬標記「了」創生,是漢語史上的重大議題。近代「了」和中古譯經〔動(+賓)+已,下句〕的「已」關係至為密切,梅祖麟 (1999) 指出這個語法格式是漢語發展的自然產物,蔣紹愚 (2001) 認為梵語絕對分詞形態表示的體貌 (aspect) 意義通過「已」帶入漢語,影響到近代「了」的演變。本文比較譯經「已」與先秦漢語「既成貌」(PERFECT aspect) 之間的異同,以此為析論中古「已」到近代「了」發展流變的依據。
本文目的之一在檢視中古譯經「已」帶給漢語的實質影響,目的之二在探究譯經「已」和近代「了」的關係。本文主張中古對應梵語絕對分詞形態的「已」仍在漢語固有的既成意義脈絡中,然而它與非持續動詞構成定型複合格式「動〔+〕已」,引發附屬於動詞的「完成貌」(PERFECTIVE aspect) 標記創生:唐宋時期替換「動〔+〕已」的「動〔+〕了」語法地位確立,「了」在定型格式中虛化,遂導致構詞的「了1」(動後「了」)與構句的「了2」(句末「了」)分流。梵語形態促成「了1」前身「已」的產生,但對應梵語形態變化的「已」仍統攝於漢語系統內部規律,而「了1」的虛化也是在系統內複合格式中進行的。
本文第二節回顧相關文獻。第三節分析《左傳》記事文本的用例,解說先秦漢語既成貌表示法及其語義功能。第四節分析《世說新語》用例,說明中古文士在新舊格式之間的取捨。第五節對照譯經的既成貌表示法。第六節討論中古譯經帶來的影響,主張定型複合「動〔+〕已」在中古晚期已經形成,近代由「動〔+〕了」替換。第七節梳理近代初期與譯經「已」相關的〔動(+賓)+了,下句〕、〔動〔+〕了(+賓),下句〕,假設「了1」的生成路徑。第八節提出結論。
When the perfective aspect verb suffix le (了) emerged in Pre-Modern Chinese, it brought about a new aspectual perspective in the Chinese language system. Mei (1999) suggests that the emergence of the verb suffix resulted from motivations internal to the language, while Jiang (2001) attributes the change to the aspect marker yi (已), which corresponds to the gerund form of Sanskrit and was widely used in translations into Medieval Chinese (the linguistic stage preceding Pre-Modern Chinese) of Buddhist texts.
The issue is revisited in this paper through (1) the comparison of yi (已) in the Buddhist texts with formerly existing aspect markers of Chinese origin ji (既) and yi (矣), and (2) the comparison of yi (已) with its descendant le (了). It is proposed that yi (已) carried out the same function as ji (既) and yi (矣), but the fact that it was often placed immediately after a verb caused it to resemble the gerund suffix incorporated into the verb root in Sanskrit. The instances in which yi (已) resembles Sanskrit gerund forms were introduced into Medieval Chinese via coordinative compounding, [V + yi (已)], a popular way of coining new words at that time. In the next linguistic stage, Pre-Modern Chinese, [V + le (了)] replaced [V + yi (已)], and le (了) was grammaticized into a verb suffix when it co-occurred with achievement verbs in this construction. According to Chen and Wang (1975), what actuates a linguistic change may differ from the ways in which this change is implemented. The verb suffix le (了) was actuated by a form corresponding to the Sanskrit suffix, but it was implemented by virtue of the Chinese compounding rule. The change during which the second component of coordinative ([V + yi (已)]>) [V + le (了)] turned into the suffix of the verb did not begin until [V + yi (已)] had been implemented, and the ultimate product of the verb suffix emerged due to an internal motivation of grammaticalization.
動後「已」 動後「了」 完成貌 語言接觸 漢語歷史語法
yi (已), le (了), perfective aspect verb suffix, language contact, Chinese historical grammar